Long after the games had ceased, the 7th century AD writer Isidore of Seville derived Latin lanista (manager of gladiators) from the Etruscan word for "executioner", and the title of "Charon" (an official who accompanied the dead from the Roman gladiatorial arena) from Charun, psychopomp of the Etruscan underworld.  Nero and Commodus ignored them. , Combats between experienced, well trained gladiators demonstrated a considerable degree of stagecraft.  His plain Romans virtuously dedicate the magnificent spoils of war to the gods. Another, dressed as Mercury, tests for life-signs with a heated "wand"; once confirmed as dead, the body is dragged from the arena.  This yielded two combats for the cost of three gladiators, rather than four; such contests were prolonged, and in some cases, more bloody.  The use of volunteers had a precedent in the Iberian munus of Scipio Africanus; but none of those had been paid. Training included preparation for a stoical, unflinching death.  Yet for Seneca, and for Marcus Aurelius – both professed Stoics – the degradation of gladiators in the munus highlighted their Stoic virtues: their unconditional obedience to their master and to fate, and equanimity in the face of death.  A wealthy editor might commission artwork to celebrate a particularly successful or memorable show, and include named portraits of winners and losers in action; the Borghese Gladiator Mosaic is a notable example.  Compared to these images, supporting evidence from Etruscan tomb-paintings is tentative and late.  Ordinary citizens, slaves and freedmen were usually buried beyond the town or city limits, to avoid the ritual and physical pollution of the living; professional gladiators had their own, separate cemeteries. 225 – 226, and footnotes. Mark Antony chose a troupe of gladiators to be his personal bodyguard. , Gladiators were typically accommodated in cells, arranged in barrack formation around a central practice arena. He separated the soldiery from the people. According to Theodoret, the ban was in consequence of Saint Telemachus' martyrdom by spectators at a munus.  Amphitheatres continued to host the spectacular administration of Imperial justice: in 315 Constantine the Great condemned child-snatchers ad bestias in the arena. As munera grew larger and more popular, open spaces such as the Forum Romanum were adapted (as the Forum Boarium had been) as venues in Rome and elsewhere, with temporary, elevated seating for the patron and high status spectators; they were popular but not truly public events: A show of gladiators was to be exhibited before the people in the market-place, and most of the magistrates erected scaffolds round about, with an intention of letting them for advantage. Gladiators could subscribe to a union (collegia), which ensured their proper burial, and sometimes a pension or compensation for wives and children. Images of the gods were carried in to "witness" the proceedings, followed by a scribe to record the outcome, and a man carrying the palm branch used to honour victors. Honorius (r. 395–423) legally ended munera in 399, and again in 404, at least in the Western Roman Empire. A condemned bankrupt or debtor accepted as novice (novicius) could negotiate with his lanista or editor for the partial or complete payment of his debt.  Others had to pay.  In 65 BC, newly elected curule aedile Julius Caesar held games that he justified as munus to his father, who had been dead for 20 years. Walls in the 2nd century BC "Italian Agora" at Delos were decorated with paintings of gladiators.  He had more available in Capua but the senate, mindful of the recent Spartacus revolt and fearful of Caesar's burgeoning private armies and rising popularity, imposed a limit of 320 pairs as the maximum number of gladiators any citizen could keep in Rome. And suppose a gladiator has been brought to the ground, when do you ever see one twist his neck away after he has been ordered to extend it for the death blow?" An elegant, economical style was preferred. What did she see in him to make her put up with being called "the gladiator's moll"? Whether victorious or defeated, a gladiator was bound by oath to accept or implement his editor's decision, "the victor being nothing but the instrument of his [editor's] will.  The Senate refused to ransom Hannibal's Roman captives: instead, they consulted the Sibylline books, then made drastic preparations: In obedience to the Books of Destiny, some strange and unusual sacrifices were made, human sacrifices amongst them. Russell Crowe (Schauspieler) Gladiator.  George Ville, using evidence from 1st century gladiator headstones, calculated an average age at death of 27, and mortality "among all who entered the arena" at 19/100.  Henceforth, the ceiling cost for a praetor's "economical" official munus employing a maximum 120 gladiators was to be 25,000 denarii; a "generous" imperial ludi might cost no less than 180,000 denarii. For example, in the aftermath of the Jewish Revolt, the gladiator schools received an influx of Jews – those rejected for training would have been sent straight to the arenas as noxii (lit. From across the stands, crowd and editor could assess each other's character and temperament. The account notes, uncomfortably, the bloodless human sacrifices performed to help turn the tide of the war in Rome's favour.  Commentators invariably disapproved of such performances.  Claudius, characterised by his historians as morbidly cruel and boorish, fought a whale trapped in the harbor in front of a group of spectators. READ FIRST! His own death would later emulate this example.  One gladiator was even granted "citizenship" to several Greek cities of the Eastern Roman world. Most were despised as slaves, schooled under harsh conditions, socially marginalized, and segregated even in death.  Kyle (1998) proposes that gladiators who disgraced themselves might have been subjected to the same indignities as noxii, denied the relative mercies of a quick death and dragged from the arena as carrion.